With little facilities and resources to go by, researchers in the country cannot raise their heads high to compete with their foreign counterparts as to preventive and control measures when it comes to human safety in times of natural and unprecedented disasters.

 The May 15, 2008 pipleine fire tragedy which struck Lagosians at close to midday, was one too many of such unabated occurences, which had left many families and lives ruined. The explosion was the "recorded" 8th in the state, and 18th in the country, since October 18, 1998.

 Funny enough, worries of such disaster only last for a few days, and everyone forgets about it. No one investigates, no one places forward strategies to check and combat future occurences, and most times, there is no one to hold responsible, everything is just swept under the carpet.

 Unfortunately some of the past explosions were as a result of unscrupulous individuals who stupidly and carlously scooped fuel from burst pipeline. Yes, it could be seen from the angle of greed, poverty, or the wrath of God, but the latest incident showed that man is more ignorant than just disobeying God and eating the forbidden fruit.

 The explosion in Lagos was as a result of an earthmover driver grading the Ijegun-Isolo-Jakande Estate road, slated for dualisation by the Lagos State Government, who unknowingly ruptured a pipeline which cut across the area to other parts of the state. Did I say the "State Government"? Oh yes i did!

 Does that mean the project was carried out by the government of the state, or one of its employed agencies? And there was no foresight or information that the area had a pipline constructed for fuel distribution? How amazing!

 Where are the information and research departments of the state government? Are they only functional when the budget allocation is being shared? Or after tragedies have occured then they supply information on the area? This shows incompetency, not only in the part of these government ministries, but on the so-called "Emergency Management Agencies".

 The latest tragedy is not only an eyesore to the rot that has engraved itself to the government of the day, but the the decay in society as to the legitimate human "right to life".

 It should not be a surprise if a similar disaster reoccurs, it has nothing to do with being religious. At least we rememeber what we all said in 2002 after the Ikeja bomb blast in Lagos, where we were reassured that a similar occurence would not repeat itself. That was  six years ago! Nine similar disasters have happened after that, this in 2008 rounds it up as number 10, seven of that in Lagos alone.

 God bless Nigeria! God bless Lagosians! Eko o ni baje o!

(Mass mkt paper back)

Author:                 Chinua Achebe

Publisher:             William Heinemann Limited

Place of Publishing:        New York, USA

Date of Publishing:         1958 (Reprinted overtime)

Pages:                             192pages

Price:                    N150 (Varies)

Reviewer:              Emmanuel Amolo

 "We cannot expect to stand still on shaky ground”. Thus Okonkwo, the protagonist, was doomed to fall from the start.

 Things Fall Apart is a 1958 English-language fictional novel by Chinua Achebe. The novel concerns the life of Okonkwo, a leader and local wrestling champion throughout the nine villages of the Igbo ethnic group of Umuofia, his three wives, his children (mainly concerning his oldest son Nwoye and his favorite daughter Ezinma), and the influences of British colonialism and Christian missionaries on his traditional Igbo in the late 19th century.

 The majority of the story takes place in the fictional village of Umuofia, located west of the actual Onitsha,

 Umuofia is a powerful clan, skilled in war and with a great population, with proud traditions and advanced social institutions. The culture depicted is similar to that of Achebe's birthplace of Ogidi, where Igbo-speaking people lived together in groups of independent villages ruled by titled elders, with whom Achebe was familiar.

 Most of the novel is depicted through Okonkwo's thoughts. Achebe begins the novel by providing the motive behind Okonkwo's apparent discrimination. Okonkwo has risen from nothing to a high position. His father, a lazy flute-player named Unoka, has many debts with people throughout the village. Unoka's life represents everything Okonkwo strives to overcome and be the opposite of. Okonkwo vowed to be everything his father was not and so he worked hard to attain material prosperity. He ensured that he had properties in land, yam, wives and children. He also had ambition to acquire the highest title of the land, which would have proved his so-called masculinity. Okonkwo also demonstrated his male vigor by terminating Amalinze's seven-year reign as wrestling victor. Okonkwo's prowess was reverberated throughout the land and this boosted his male ego considerably. Little wonder he was the opposite of his calm father; he was ruthless and egotistical.

 Through hard work, Okonkwo becomes a great man among his people. He takes three wives and his cultivation and harvest of yams, the staple crop is fruitful. He rules his family with an “iron fist”, struggling to overcome his father’s character of “laziness and weakness”.

 In a twist of fate, during a funeral for one of the great men of the clan, Okonkwo's gun explodes, killing a boy. In accordance with Umuofia's law, Okonkwo and his family must be exiled for seven years. He moves to his grandmother’s village, in Mbanta.

 During Okonkwo's exile, the white man comes to both Umuofia and Mbanta. The missionaries arrive first, preaching a religion that seemed mad to the Igbo people. They win converts though, generally men of low rank, outcasts and women. However, with time, the new religion gains momentum.

 Okonkwo was dumbfounded when he realizes that his own son Nwoye had joined solitude in the “White man’s church”. When Okonkwo learns of Nwoye's conversion, he beats the boy forcing him to leave home.

 Okonkwo returns to Umuofia to find the clan sadly changed. Okonkwo noted the visible changes that took place. One of the most obvious additions to the village was the white man. During Okonkwo's absence, the Europeans were able to establish their schools, their church and their government in Umofia.

The church had won some converts, some of whom are fanatical and disrespectful of clan custom. Worse, the white man's government has come to Umuofia. The clan is no longer free to judge its own; a District Commissioner judges cases in ignorance. He is backed by armed power.

 All these Okonkwo sees as disgusting and frowns at the manner in which the members of his community conformed in the same ideology as the “white man”. He feared this shift would pose a threat to his ambitions to achieve material greatness and attain the highest title of the land. Okonkwo, in this regard, wanted to purge the village of this evil element and re-establish Igbo tradition.

  His hope of eliminating the white man and his influence lowered as the Church followership expanded, especially in women and his son Nwoye. Its doctrines (i.e the church’s) were widely acceptable, especially in regards to the killing of twins, female abuses and ostracism.

 Okonkwo feared his reverences and his titles would soon mean nothing to the villagers, as “they were all equal in Jesus' eyes”. This is what tore Okonkwo apart.

 As a wrestling champion and fearless man, he plots to purge his village of these white men who had not only “come to steal our land, change our tradition, but also make us feel like slaves in our own kingdom”.

 His chance came when during a religious gathering; a convert unmasks one of the clan spirits. The offense is grave, and in response the clan decides that the church will no longer be allowed in Umuofia. They tear the building down. Soon afterward, the District Commissioner asks the leaders of the clan, Okonkwo among them, to come see him for a peaceful meeting. The leaders arrive, and are quickly seized. In prison, they are humiliated and beaten, and they are held until the clan pays a heavy fine.

 After the release of the men, the clan calls a meeting to decide whether they will fight or try to live peacefully with the whites. Okonkwo wants war. During the meeting, court messengers come to order the men to break up their gathering. The clan meetings are the heart of Umuofia's government; all decisions are reached democratically, and an interference with this institution means the end of Umuofia’s independence. Enraged, Okonkwo kills the court messenger.

 The other court messengers escape, and because the other people of his clan did not seize them, Okonkwo knows that his people will not choose war. His act of resistance will not be followed by others. Embittered and grieving for the destruction of his people's independence, and fearing the humiliation of dying under white law, Okonkwo returns home and hangs himself.

 The District Commissioner and his messengers arrive at Umuofia to see Okonkwo dead, and are asked to take down his body since Ibo mores forbid clan members to do this. The Commissioner considers writing a book about his experiences of undignified behavior in the area, with a chapter – or a reasonable paragraph – about Okonkwo's community. His book is titled The Pacification of the Primitive Tribes of the Lower Niger.

 Achebe has very well, done an applaudable job in this novel, taking into consideration, his diverse readers of various educational levels. Wide known for his word clarity and simple diction, Achebe’s work, although filled with “Igbo” quotations and speeches, conveys as much messages as any reader would require.

 The observation in the novel was appropriate conveyed in sublime and comprehensive manner, because of the language barrier. Achebe uses a number of Igbo words and phrases throughout the book (although with their meanings at the last pages of the book). Being told in a third-person narrative, the story allows the reader to understand what is going on at all times. Things Fall Apart has relatively limited dialogue, because the language is so different from English; in order to understand the whole plot the reader must know what the characters are thinking and their motives.

 It had been a companion book for the study of literary novels in schools throughout Africa, and is widely read and studied in English-speaking countries around the world.

 Achebe’s effort was globally recognized and acclaimed when this book became one of the first African novels written in English to receive global critical commendation. It had sold over 8 million copies worldwide since it first publication, and is still been recommended for young, aspiring writers. I rate it 9/10!

SON:   "Daddy, may I please borrow N50?". The father was furious, "If the only reason you asked that is so you can borrow some money to buy a silly toy or some other nonsense, then you march yourself straight to your room and go to bed. Think about why you are being so selfish. I work hard everyday for such this childish behavior."

The little boy quietly went to his room and shut the door.

The man sat down and started to get even angrier about the little boy's questions. How dare he ask such questions only to get some money?

After about an hour or so, the man had calmed down, and started to think: Maybe there was something he really needed to buy with that N50 and he really didn't ask for money very often. The man went to the door of the little boy's room and opened the door.

"Are you asleep, son?" He asked.
"No daddy, I'm awake," replied the boy.
"I've been thinking, maybe I was too hard on you earlier" said the man.
"It's been a long day and I took out my aggravation on you.. Here's the
N 50 you asked for."
The little boy sat straight up, smiling. "Oh, thank you daddy!" He yelled.
Then, reaching under his pillow he pulled out some crumpled up bills.
The man saw that the boy already had money, started to get angry again. The little boy slowly counted out his money, and then looked up at his father.
"Why do you want more money if you already have some?" the father grumbled.
"Because I didn't have enough, but now I do," the little boy replied.
"Daddy, I have N 100 now. Can I buy an hour of your time? Please come home early tomorrow. I would like to have dinner with you."
The father was crushed. He put his arms around his little son, and he begged for his forgiveness.

It's just a short reminder to all of you working so hard in life. We should not let time slip through our fingers without having spent some time with those who really matter to us, those close to our hearts.

If we die tomorrow, the company that we are working for could easily replace us in a matter of days. But the family & friends we leave behind will feel the loss for the rest of their lives.  And come to think of it, we pour ourselves more into work than to our family.

TUESDAY:
We wanted a fruit salad for supper. The recipe said, "Serve without dressing." So I didn't dress. But Tim happened to bring a friend home for supper that night. They both looked so startled when I served them; I think it was the salad.

WEDNESDAY:
I decided to serve rice and found a recipe which said, "wash thoroughly before steaming the rice." So I heated some water and took a bath before steaming the rice. Sounded kind of silly in the middle of the day. I can't say it improved the rice anyhow.

THURSDAY:
Today Tim asked for salad again. I tried a new recipe.

It said, “prepare ingredients, then toss on a bed of lettuce one hour before serving." I hunted all over the place for a garden and when I got one, I tossed my salad into the bed of lettuce and stood over there for over one hour so the dog would not take it. Tim came over and asked if I felt all right. I wonder why? He must be stressed at work; I'll try to be supportive.

FRIDAY:
Today I found an easy recipe for cookies.

It said, "Put all ingredients in a bowl and beat it". Beat it I did, to my mum's place. There must have been something wrong with the recipe, because when I came back home again; it looked the same as when I left it.

SATURDAY:
 Tim went shopping today and brought home a chicken. He asked me to dress it for Sunday. I'm sure I don't know how hens dress for Sunday. I never noticed back on the farm, but I found an old doll dress and its little cute shoes. I thought the hen looked really cute. When Tim saw it, he started counting to ten. Either he was really stressed because of his work, or he wanted the chicken to dance.

 When I asked him what was wrong he started crying and shouting out "why me? why me ?"

 Hmmm....It must be his job.

 This initiative later gave rise to the establishment of indigenous newspaper outfits by the likes of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe in 1937 titled the West African Pilot. Zik’s paper and other newspapers existing at the time pioneered a general protest against the British colonial rule and resulted to the eventual attainment of independence in 1960.

 This powerful influence manifested by the paper led to the establishment of many newspapers especially in the 1960s. But an abysmal change soon engulfed the reasons for creating these newspapers. Since the common enemy had been removed (colonialism), newspapers began to act as tools by their owners to express private and personal views, instead of that for the general populace. This was contrary the ideals of what the newspaper was to stand for.

 As an expert puts it, the “Nigerian Press was born of anti-colonial protest, baptized with the flood of nationalist propaganda, and matured in party politics…” and I add “…reproducing objectivity and fairness in a democratic locale”.

 Here is a brief summary of what the press looked like under three (3) different government regimes, which showed that the press in Nigeria had acceded to several forms to be what it looks like today.

The Government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari and the press at that time (1979 – 1983)

 Alhaji Shehu Shagari (born February 25, 1925, served as the President of Nigeria's Second Republic (1979 - 1983), after the handover of power by General Olusegun Obasanjo's caretaker government.

 In 1978 he helped form the National party, and his subsequent election as president marked the end of 13 years of military rule in Nigeria. Continued economic problems and government corruption, the Nigeria election of 1983 marked by accusations of electoral fraud, coupled with a decline in world oil prices, led to a marked deterioration in the national finances under Shagari's watch, while religious and political violence became so endemic that his overthrow by General Muhammadu Buhari on New Year's Eve in 1983.

Shagari won the 1979 election with the help of his campaign manager, Umaru Dikko, political men of prominence in the North and among southern minorities, and some money bags interested in protecting their interest. Nevertheless, the party captured the ethnic and social demographics as good as or even better than his adversaries. The party's motto was "One Nation, One Destiny" and it tried to promote this motto even to its detriment. Shagari, made Housing, Industries, Transportation and Agriculture as the major goals of his administration, particularly in his early stages of governance during the oil boom. However, most of his programs had inappropriate outcomes.

 The Nigerian presses were quick to evaluate the government’s inconsistencies in all these sectors, and realized that they had actually fallen let selfish individuals loot the nation’s treasury under the pose of one reform or the other.

 In Housing, he (Shagari) launched a large scale housing program that built estates such as "Shagari Estate" but also launched the careers of Nigeria's legendary money bags who swamped the Nigerian ports with imported cement to complete the housing projects.

 In Industries, Shagari completed the Delta Steel complex in 1982, and spent hundred of millions of dollars on the Ajaokuta Steel complex and the Steel rolling mills. However, allegations of bribery to prominent politicians illuminated on those projects.

 In terms of agriculture, a Green Revolution program was initiated to foster the use of mechanical machinery in farming. It favored large scale farmers in order to produce mass products. However, it was hampered by the prevalence of retired military officers, who had acquired large hectares of land as parting gift under the previous administration and used them to influence large favours under the program.

 With the return to civilian rule in 1979 after 13 years of military rule, the press tried to help in the development of democracy once more. The few surviving privately owned newspapers in Nigeria were joined by an array of titles.

 The new newspapers appeared, in part, to serve the political parities of their owners. For instance, the Nigeria Tribune and the Daily Sketch were used to advance the political interest of Obafemi Awolowo, so did the Concord Group of newspapers representing the interests of their owner, Moshood Abiola and his party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

 The role of the newspapers in political party partisanship continued throughout this political dispensation. Newspapers were used purposely to provide platform for certain political views, and were used as tools by those people.

 It served socio-cultural responsibilities to upgrade the efforts of the government, but they soon realised that the government itself was not so credible as presumed.

 Under this administration, the characteristic politics of ethnic and regional security that ruined the First Republic re-emerged. The coalition collapsed in 1981. Internal disagreement, corruption, and abuse of power by the administration became manifest and weakened the credibility of the government.

 We know, for instance, that following the coup of 1983, carried out by Major Gen. Mohammadu Buhari, illegally amassed millions of Naira, Dollars and Pound Sterling were recovered from the houses of several Governors in Shagari’s Administration while teachers and civil servants were left unpaid during that Administration.

 One powerful feature of the press prior to the government of Shagari was that the press had become “radical” in the coverage of news stories. These Radical presses of the 50’s and 60’s were promulgated by nationalist and philanthropists who believed they could make a difference in the democratic dispensation.

 These papers included “The Advance” of 1965 which was into trade union activities, functioning as an arm of the Nigerian Trade Union Congress; “The Nigerian Worker” established in September 1965, under the umbrella body of the United Labour Congress (ULC); “The Nigerian Woman” established by Funmi Ransome-Kuti, on the 1^st of March 1950; The Nigerian Freedom (Calabar) established on the 3^rd of July 1950.

 Others included “The Hotline”, “News Horizon”, “The Analyst”, and so on. These newspapers were symbols of the new radicalism in Nigerian Press of the 1980s

The Government of Gen. Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida and the Press of That Time (1985 – 1993)

 General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (born August 17 1941), popularly known as IBB, was the military ruler of Nigeria from August 1985 until his departure from office under heavy popular pressure, especially from the print media, in 1993, after his annulment of elections held that year which were widely held to have been the freest and fairest in Nigeria's post-independence history.

 Babangida was Nigeria's sixth military ruler, and as of 1990, the most powerful of them all. Babangida once took up a political position under the administration of Major General Muhammadu Buhari, but overthrew him on 27 August, 1985 in a bloodless military coup that relied on mid-level officers that Babangida silently and strategically positioned over the years.

 Compared with Buhari, Babangida was more of a disciplined ruler, and his style was idiosyncratic. Where Buhari was strict and resolute, Babangida was clever and tactical, little wonder the press nicknamed him “Maradona”.

 Although, his relationship with the press at that time started out as harmonious, after at his assumption of office he quashed the existing Decree 4 of 1984 (29^th March) promulgated by the previous Buhari Military Government, which was largely against press freedom (“It shall be an offence under this decree for a newspaper or wireless telegraph station in Nigeria to publish or transmit any message, rumour, report or statement, which is false in any way, materials particularly stating that any public officer has in any manner being engaged in corrupt practices, or has in any manner corruptly enriched himself or any other person”).

 This decree empowered the military government to prohibit the circulation of any newspaper which was detrimental to the interest of the Federal government, as from the perception of the Head of State that is.

 With the abrogation effort by General Babangida, and stoppage of the Buhari-Idiagbon concept of stopping government adverts in private media, as well as friendly policies he created towards the press, Babangida enjoyed a reciprocal friendliness from the press, with less frequent criticisms.

 The press soon realized the “tactics” of this military government, and was fast to retract on their once familiarity, thus acting as major critics and decried the government's violating human rights.

 For example, the head of the pro-democracy movement was arrested for accusing Babangida and the military, of fomenting the strife to forestall the transition to democracy.

 Likewise, on the 23^rd of June, 1993, Babangida nullified the election of Moshood Kashimawo Abiola (aka MKO) in Nigeria as president on 12 June.

 Faced with riots, in which 100 people were killed, and lack of support from the military, even excess pressure from human right activists and the Nigerian Press, Babangida stepped down on the 26^th August, 1993, and installed a military-backed interim government headed by another southwestern Nigerian businessman, Ernest Shonekan.   

 Shonekan received little or no public support because he was perceived as a stooge for the military. He was unable to deal with Nigeria's ever-growing economic problems and was removed on 17 November 1993 by Sani Abacha, who then assumed full political authority.

 The press usually published confidently, but with the elements of fear of being shut down of operations, as it was common phenomenon for any newspaper that chose to chastise the government.

 The Offensive Publications (Proscription) Decree 35, 1993, made it possible for the government to clamp down on six media houses across the nation. Even government-owned media were not spared. This kind of suppression also took place after the 22 April 1990 failed coup d’état, when over seven media houses were closed down, like “The Guardian” for example, amongst others. The Military government felt these presses were not only national threats, but threats to their continual stay in office.

 The killing by a letter bomb of Dele Giwa, a magazine editor critical of Babangida's administration at his Lagos home in 1986 remains a controversial incident to this day. It signaled his fast dislike of the press at the time, which seemed to act more as a watch dog on his activities and try all motives conceivable to end his dictatorial reign.

 The detention of several journalists and other critics of the military regime and the temporary closure of some newspapers, however, indicated the government's awareness that it had overstayed its welcome and would have to govern with even stricter controls than before.

 Likewise, the trial of The Guardian Newspapers Limited, and two of its reporters exposed the fragility of the press and press freedom in the hands of intolerant rulers, and the dangers journalists are exposed to in the coverage of political news.

 Aside from government control of the media through laws, decrees and the courts, other means of control exist and obstruct freedom of expression. The government used certain preferential treatments to 'buy' the most influential journalists in the country appointing these influential critics in the media to top positions within the government.

 This ensured that journalists were reduced to being mere stooges of government officials. “…It is not surprising therefore that the then editor of the Guardian had to publish an article reassuring his readers that his proprietor's (Mr. Alex Ibru) acceptance of a ministerial appointment in the government could not influence the objectivity of the newspaper in handling issues concerning government…”

 As the nation was preparing for the fourth republic prior to the 1993 general elections, a number of privately owned newspapers emerged. These newspapers and others that came into existence after the 12 June annulment, played significant roles in criticizing the military government. Since then, the country had seen a formidable opposition press, which in spite of all forms of intimidation had turned the people’s encounter with government into full battle.

The Government of Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo and The Press of That Time (1999 – 2006)

 During the dictatorship of Sani Abacha (1993–1998), Obasanjo spoke out against the human rights abuses of the regime, and was imprisoned for his participation in a bait coup. He was released only after Abacha's sudden death on 8 June 1998. It was after his release from prison that Obasanjo announced that he was a born-again Christian.

 Normally, Government, state of federal, always find a way of dismissing Judges that passed judgment against them, Obasanjo’s administration never did that. The law council was more independent in the dismissal of corrupt or comprised judges. This made the press assume that his administration was credible, thus several appraisal of commendation usually crammed the media during the early years of his first tenure (1999-2003).

 After Obasanjo won the civilian election in 1999, after a long stretch of military rule, there seemed a glimmer of hope for the press and its freedom.

 Obasanjo was said to have viewed the press with disdain, and during his previous regime, harassment of the press was intensified, but the press knew that under this new democratic dispensation, his hands were tied and he had to live with the press that had always been critical of him.

 This was possible when he was unable to implement reforms and development effectively to states and local government level (even in the states controlled by his party, the People’s Democratic Party). The states and local governments were still riddled with corrupt officials, and he failed to solve police and security issues in the country as he promised in his manifesto.

 His third term ambition was seen by the press as being over zealous. He had become chairman of the board of trustees of the PDP, and from that position he could control nominations for government positions and even policy and strategy.

 It is correct to say that in Nigeria today, there are no fiercer oppositions against the government other than the independent media. They (independent media) championed the call for the passage of the Freedom of Information bill, which several civilian government has many times tried to evade its promulgation into law (although it did not come to be in this dispensation either).

 The main objectives of the presses of the 21^st century in Nigeria were to help create and develop a properly implemented democratic government, which would be responsible to the people (masses), and likewise be held liable for every action they take

 The press was saddled with the responsiblilty of being the gatekeepers between government and the people, making them the “fourth estate of the realm”, after the evecutive, legislative and judiciary arms of government.

Our telephone - Cordless

Our cooking - Fireless

Our youths - Jobless

Our food - Fatless

Our labour - Effortless

Our struggle - Worthless

Our friendship - Loveless

Our attitude - Careless

Our feelings - Heartless

Our politics - Shameless

Our education - Valueless

Our dress - Topless

Our arguments - Baseless
Our Job - Thankless

Our Boss - Brainless
Our Salary - Very less

Our E-mails & Fashion - Useless

Our Rulers - Ruthless

Our Relationships – Meaningless

Our Shirts – Sleeveless

Our Tomorrow – Hopeless

Our Lecture hours – Timeless

Our Junk foods – Tasteless

Our mistakes – Countless

Our Society – Lawless

Our lecturers – Merciless

Our Student’s welfare – Regard less

Our Transactions nko - Cashless

 Ironically, what I can't understand is the often interpretation that our very existence is contrary to what God pictured. I think! To point my grievance to an effort which I think contradicts the effort of what God wanted us to do, as humans, is the idea or connotation called "Politics".

 Politics, poli-tricks, whatever they call it, I just don't think anyone who believes that there is a God would want to tread the path of politics, citing Nigeria's as an example. It quite annoys to see old men who should be fighting to make democracy work in the country, so deceptively and callously, shield the truth from the public, and instead fight hazardously to make their various accounts fatter than their sixth generation can enjoy.

 I would have wanted an immortal being to rule us, even an animal rather than watch these disgraceful and egotistical old men jostle, tussle, even murder one another to rule, as if their presence would alleviate the fallen efforts of our heroes past.

 It is cynical to hear the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) chairman, Professor Maurice Iwu, say that the tribunal had vindicated them - from the accusation that the 2007 elections that saw the presently sitting president, Musa Yar'Adua was rigged. It is quite amazing that the press could quote this from such a learned man, to the face of millions of individuals who saw the wide spread rigging that took place in the country' 2007 elections. It is quite appalling that a debatable election could produce yet an honest and noble man as Musa Yar’Adua, but in a democratic setting were justice should reign, a slight misdemeanour in the 2007 election is enough to nullify anyone who benefited from it, because it had lost its credibility.

 He (Professor Iwu), should have had his PhD withdrawn from him, since he appeared more ignorant than a person who never seen the four wall of a school. Apparently, he had not realized that other tribunals had been nullifying the elections of some governors; governors who the commission declared winners of a purported "free and fair" elections. Iwu should just face the truth and admit he failed, rather than try effortlessly to vindicate himself in a rather sane and largely literate society like ours.

 Thankfully, the tribunals are not doing badly so far, I just wish we still have honest men there too; else we are doomed for sure.

 I can only thank God for one thing though, that our post election activities did not end like that in Kenya recently, although it is most likely inevitable in future elections if care and necessary steps are not taken.

 Long live Nigeria! God bless Nigerians!!

 I’m writing you this letter to tell you that I’m leaving you for good. I’ve been a good woman to you for seven years and I have nothing to show for it.

 These last two weeks have been hell…your boss called to tell me that you had quit your job today and that was the last straw.

 Last week, you came home and didn’t notice that I had gotten my hair and nails done, cooked your favourite meal and even wore a brand new negligee.

 You came home and ate in two minutes, and went straight to sleep after watching the game.

 You don’t tell me you love me anymore or even give me a peck. Either you are cheating on me, or you don’t love me any more, whatever the case is, I’m gone.

P.S. If you are trying to find me, don’t. Your BROTHER and I are moving away together! Have a great life!

Signed

Your EX-Wife

 REPLY TO MY WIFE

 Dear EX-Wife,

 Nothing has made my day more than receiving your letter. It’s true that you and I have been married for seven years, although a good woman is a far cry from what you have been. Funny we had no kids – no thanks to your numerous abortions before we met – the situation would have been worse.

 I watch the game so much to try to drown out your constant nagging. Too bad that doesn’t work.

I did notice when you cut off all, oh sorry, made your hair last week, the first thing that came to mind was “you sure looked like a man!”, and the second “having two men in a house, no way!”

 My mother taught me not to say anything if you can’t say anything nice. When you cooked my “favourite meal”, it was obvious you got me confused with MY YOUNGER BROTHER, because I stopped eating a decent meal seven years ago.

 I went to sleep on you when you had on that new negligee because it still had the price tag on it. I prayed it was a coincidence that my brother had just borrowed N5000 from me that morning and our negligee was N4999.99.

After all this, I still loved you and felt that we could work it out. So, when I discovered that I had hit the lotto for N10million, I quit my job as a secretary and bought us two tickets to South Africa. But when I got home you were gone.

 Apart from the fact that we got what we wanted from her, we also grasped a little inspiration from her words and had the opportunity to sap from her fountain of knowledge.

This is a transcript of her revelation to our correspondent – EMMANUEL AMOLO 

As a scholar of Philosophy, could you explain why some scholars refuse to agree that African Philosophy (AP) exist?

 If you say something exists then you must have proof that it does, isn’t it?

 If you say there is African Philosophy (AP), I don’t need to contradict you, what I would say is for you to show me proof of its existence.

 My question is – those who say there is African Philosophy, what evidence do they have?

 Those who say there is none usually base their arguments on issues like; “Philosophy is always written – that there is no written African philosophy – so there is none in existence”. Also they claim that “African philosophy is not scientific, it is not critical, and not rational”. They say it is “not methodical” and so it cannot be a philosophy.

 They also presume that African Philosophy is anonymous, since most of the so-called philosophies are born out of the general beliefs of Africans, which is contrary to western philosophies like the Greeks who have the philosophies of individuals as Socrates and Plato.

 Scholars like Professor Otanji said that he believes that there must have been African Philosophers, but they did not establish the tradition of writing their ideas down for comparison.

 Some of my friends produce and write down their own philosophies, but what they are writing is present-day philosophy – contemporary ideas. What these differing scholars are looking for, is philosophy before the coming of the white men to Africa.

 They are not saying Africans today can not create philosophy, they are saying that our fore-fathers never produced the idea of philosophy.

 So to say that there are African philosophy(ies), you have to meet every question and argument laid by these opposing scholars.

 Yet, another twist to this question is that these scholars can not be asking for just one African philosophy. Is there only one western philosophy? Of course not! Then why do they ask for “An” African philosophy? The question should be “Are there African Philosophies?” and I don’t need to bring all of them as proof but I will use one as evidence and example – the philosophy of the Yoruba people.

 They claim African philosophy is “oral”, but I can translate it. I can write down what my father said in his mother tongue and translate it. It is not my writing it down that makes it philosophy, on the contrary, it had been philosophy prior to my writing it down.

 Socrates spent all his life (70 years) teaching philosophy and he never wrote any thing down. That is to say philosophy can exist in the oral tradition.

 Philosophy is the expression of ideas. People express their ideas in their own language. If there were African philosophies, they must have been expressed in African languages.

 Plato wrote in Greek, Socrates and Aristotle too, Immanuel Kant wrote in German, Antonio in Italian etcetera. If philosophy is indigenous, African philosophy should be found in African expressions, in their own languages, and we have 521 existing languages in Nigeria alone.

 If we take the Yoruba language as an example, and try to convince the white man that Yoruba philosophy exists, I will try to write it out – in the Yoruba language – but he can not read it. Then, I would have to translate it into English.

 The very moment I do that, I kill the philosophy, because you would be using the basics of a planned language to record another idea in another language.

 Scholars of philosophies should record, as evidence, oral traditions in the indigenous words and languages in which they were expressed. They must document African thoughts so as to have materials to discuss and analyse. It does not mean that every oral tradition is philosophy, there is what is called “draining”, identifying what is and what is not.

 To get these oral traditions they need to look into the popular forms of mass media, what serious-minded people have sat and thought about.

 Luckily the Yoruba’s have a group of people who are custodians of deep thoughts of knowledge of the culture. They never wrote these thoughts on paper; it was stored in their brains.  

 There are over 1,000 texts in Yoruba oral tradition, and if you go into these texts you are bound to find some philosophies which are similar anywhere in the world.

 For those who say African philosophies are not scientific, where are the document to prove their claim. It means they have seen it before, studied it, and concluded that it is not philosophy. Yet they say there is no evidence.

You were once quoted as saying “…99% of professors in Nigeria seem not to be intellectuals...” Explain?

 I sill maintain that! Who is an intellectual? An intellectual is not someone who can rehearse what some other intellectuals have said.

 I can read the whole works of Plato and Socrates and assume we are “learned”, but an intellectual is someone who sits, think about situations and makes proposals – listen to the lectures some professors give, their text books and inquires – it is devoid of their own ideas.

 We are practicing “Democracy” right? Is that an African idea? Where is our own idea if we have intellectuals? We are only repeating the ideas of Socrates of over 550 years before the birth of Jesus Christ.

 Some professors teach what has been written by others, including me – I am not exonerating myself. Education is – when we teach you about Socrates, we want to teach you (if you are a philosopher) how to think and apply your thoughts, not to repeat to us what Socrates said - we know that already.

 Immanuel Kant once said “I am not interested in teaching you philosophy, I want to teach you how to philosophise…”. How many professors are philosophising?

  So you see what I mean when I say 99 percent of professors are not intellectuals, they only repeat what has been earlier written by others.

Your philosophy about LASUSOC?

 LASUSOC is the first “faculty” of communication in Nigeria and that is a benchmark.

 When I first came to the school, I saw it as a school under stress, trying to accomplish a task of 20 years in two years.

 The school has a very good vision. They want to excel they want to make the school exemplary, although they went too far by starting with seven (7) departments. There is no way you can cope with that – even though it was an attempt to show they wanted as many as possible departments – the school should have started with few and then grow broader later.

 LASUSOC was swimming against the tide. It decided to carry a load too big for its feet, and that was why we had to streamline it and break it down.

 When I came to the school I did not meet a single senior lecturer, I didn’t see a professor, rather they were grooming lectures. How can you operate a faculty without a professor? You want to kill the lecturers?

 The conditions of the lecturers weren’t comfortable. I mean the accommodation and so on, not that they were bad but we could have made lecture rooms and offices of bigger size and many other inputs too.

 So, I saw LASUSOC as a very promising child if they could put things right and I think the university itself (LASU) believes that LASUSOC had potentials that was why they went ahead and gave them the finance to go ahead.

 The school is not doing badly, although we are not there yet.

Your challenges as the dean of the school?

 About a week ago, I was a year old here – what could I have achieved in a year, you might want to ask? I am sure there are evidences of change.

 I think one thing that impressed me when I came was the commitment of the lecturers and students to learning. They may not be the best; they may not know everything but they are always ready to learn, until they make those stupid mistakes. I call them “stupid mistakes”, like the recent students’ action over the mid-semester tests, because it created ripples where it shouldn’t.

 The issue was very interesting; ripples were high, people were shouting moving helter-skelter, but it settled without any fighting, and that is another sign of maturity.

 I see students now, and some laugh with me, while others run away, but one thing they have not done is to have the courage to face me again – I’m surprised because they should. If developments are to take place, we need to have that kind of dynamism, both the administration and the students. I don’t want idiotic students who would always affirm our actions and decisions, but because of the youthful exuberance, the students do not know how to channel their grievances.

 My challenge also includes putting the physical structures in place, and you can see we are doing that already. I am not the one doing it though, the university council and the Vice Chancellor (VC) provides the funds.  

 Check out the studio, I can promise you it is going to be one of the best in Nigeria, not just in Lagos. We have not finished, we still have our classrooms to rebuild, the lecturers rooms, relaxation spots and facilities for structures where we can eat, facilities for internet, and so on. All that would come.  

 We can safely say that we are a little better than what we were a year ago. Our academic programme has been reconstructed; the school’s Senate and ASUU have approved it, so we can say we are on the march.

The renovations in the school and development so far?